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Gambling definition

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Gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Zushakar В» 01.02.2020


Metrics details. Harm from gambling is known to impact individuals, families, and communities; and these harms are not restricted to people with a gambling disorder. Currently, there is no robust and inclusive internationally agreed upon definition of gambling harm.

In addition, the current landscape of gambling policy and research uses inadequate proxy measures of harm, such as problem gambling symptomology, that contribute to a limited understanding of gambling harms. These issues impede efforts to address gambling from a public health perspective. Data regarding harms from gambling was gathered using four separate methodologies, a literature review, focus groups and interviews with professionals involved in the support and treatment of gambling problems, interviews with people who gamble and their affected others, and an analysis of public forum posts for people experiencing problems with gambling and their affected others.

The experience of harm related to gambling was examined to generate a conceptual framework. The catalogue of harms experienced were organised as a taxonomy. The current paper proposes a definition and conceptual framework of gambling related harm that captures the full breadth of harms that gambling can contribute to; as well as a taxonomy of harms to facilitate the development of more appropriate measures of harm. Our aim is to create a dialogue that will lead to a more coherent interpretation of gambling harm across treatment providers, policy makers and researchers.

Peer Review reports. The existence of gambling related harm is well established. There are common negative impacts associated with participation in gambling, and greater and more severe harms when gambling frequently and with more money. Public health approaches to gambling in terms of prevention and treatment of problems with gambling make reference to harm minimisation.

However, this term is somewhat ambiguous due to the lack of: a a consistent definition of gambling related harm, b conceptualisation of the breadth and experience of harm, and c an appropriate means of measuring harm. Whilst there is no single internationally agreed-upon definition of harm in relation to gambling, there are consistent patterns of interpretation throughout the literature that suggest some degree of convergence in the understanding of gambling-harm.

Unlike indicators of gambling disorders or problematic behaviours, measures that specifically target gambling harm are under-developed. To a large degree, this reflects an emphasis on diagnosis or screening for problem gambling; rather than on measuring the range of negative outcomes that can arise from gambling behaviours, whether symptomatic of addiction or not. Harms from gambling are varied and diffuse, unlike the more direct and tractable harms caused by physical illnesses or even substance abuse.

Additionally, the large number of potential harms that may not be easily and unambiguously traced to gambling as their source, impacts on efforts to address gambling harm from a public health perspective. The current measurements used are inappropriate and insufficient, being most typically proxies of harm that come from gambling behaviour prevalence measures or unsystematic explorations of harms within the context of specific research studies.

These approaches lack content validity, construct validity or both. Harm is a term that is immediately intuitive, implying damage and adverse consequences. However, the assumption that it is unnecessary to define the term precisely in relation to gambling is mistaken.

Neal et al [ 1 ], in developing a national definition for problem gambling and harm, acknowledged the issue of lacking a clear definition of gambling-related harm. This lack of a robust, agreed upon definition may reflect the multi-disciplinary interest in the phenomena of gambling, and the differences in approach and perspective on gambling from these different disciplines [ 1 ].

Arguably, the notion that harms arise from uncontrolled, addictive or problematic gambling behaviour has historically been treated as implicit, based on either self-assessment, help seeking behaviours, or clinical diagnosis that suggest harmful consequences have occurred. However the absence of a detailed and explicit definition, with an accompanying conceptual model, makes it difficult to operationalize the concept and thereby measure the impacts or severity of harm experienced [ 1 ], and this deficit separates gambling from other public health issues to its detriment.

Neal et al [ 1 ] identified two definitions of gambling harm: one from the Queensland Government [ 2 ], and one from the New Zealand Gambling Act [ 3 ]. In describing harm as a set of impacts and consequences, the Queensland definition is clear that gambling harms are the outcome of problematic gambling, rather than problematic gambling itself.

However, they limit harm to occurring only from problematic gambling and in describing safety and risk in relation to the product, the Queensland definition would appear to be focused on a product-safety paradigm of evaluating the hazard involved in consumption of commercial gambling which is inconsistent with a social model of health. This definition includes psychological or emotional impacts of gambling, as well as presumably more concrete forms of harm, such as financial loss.

This is emphasised in the second part of the definition, which explicitly refers to personal, social or economic harms. The New Zealand definition also emphasises the multiple social scales at which harm can take place, which is more consistent with a social model of health, enumerating four levels at which harm may occur: the individual person, spouse, family, whanau, or wider community, in the workplace, or in society at large.

Neal et al [ 1 ] were critical of both definitions for being too vague to be useful for operationalizing the concept of gambling harm for the purpose of measurement. Similar limitations were later noted by Currie et al [ 4 ]. The Queensland Government definition does not make any reference as to the mechanism by which harms occur. However, the New Zealand definition does offer an important insight in terms of suggesting that gambling can exacerbate, as well as generate harms.

This is an important point, as gambling harms rarely occur in isolation. Rather, one of the key features of gambling problems is co-morbidity with a range of other harmful behaviours or reduced health states, such as alcohol use and depression [ 5 , 6 ].

Importantly, both definitions describe harm as extending beyond the individual to the family, friends and community. In the literature since Neal et al [ 1 ] and Currie et al [ 4 ], harm still has not been defined, but harmful behaviour is either explicitly or implicitly referred to as having negative consequences and thus these negative consequences are the harm caused by the behaviour gambling. To add further uncertainty, the term harm is often used interchangeably to refer to the behaviour - not just the consequence - and is used in multiple items on screening instruments such as the PGSI [ 7 ].

However, conflation of the harm outcome with the source problematic behaviour is not isolated to gambling, and is consistent with other public health literature, for example, alcohol [ 8 ].

The limitations and relative lack of progress in defining or conceptualising harm is reflected in how harm is currently measured in the literature. This separates gambling from other public health issues, which utilise summary measures to quantify the impact on population health. Currie et al [ 4 ] identified three sources that the measurement of harms have been derived from: 1 diagnostic criteria of pathological or problem gambling, 2 behavioural symptoms associated with disordered gambling, and 3 the negative consequences experienced.

All three of these sources might be criticised for failing to capture the breadth and complexity of harm to the person who gambles, or the experience of harm beyond the person who gambles. Firstly, the usefulness of diagnostic criteria to measure harm is limited. It restricts the focus to people experiencing problems with gambling, failing to recognise that harm occurs across the spectrum of gambling behaviour and severity. This is common in treatment, policy and empirical research, which led the Productivity Commission [ 9 ] to raise concerns that the smaller, but more prevalent harms that are being ignored can aggregate to a significant population level harm.

The second category of measures in the literature is the use of behavioural symptoms to measure harm. Symptomatology does have a strong relationship with harm, and behavioural indicators are of importance in their own right in clarifying the mechanisms by which harm arises.

However, as when using diagnostic criteria, a symptoms-based measure of harm e. The third category, the experience of negative consequences, is the closest approximation of harm due to its focus on outcomes [ 4 ]. Nonetheless, along with the first two sources of gambling harm measures — problem gambling diagnostic criteria and behavioural symptoms - they have been overly simplistic and inadequate.

There are a number of limitations to these types of measures that reduces their utility, including the lack of scale of the impact of that harm or a consistency of measures across surveys that would allow the comparison of impact across populations or time.

For example, gambling expenditure is a common negative consequence used as a proxy indicator for harm [ 10 ] and whilst a strong relationship between expenditure and harm has been demonstrated [ 4 ] these measures are normally based on aggregated data that cannot provide detail on comparison to discretionary income, impact, or vulnerability and the individual level necessary to demonstrate causality.

An important difference in this framework is the division of gambling into harmful and non-harmful, rather than problem and recreational, and the authors make the point that the difference between these is related to severity and frequency [ 11 ]. The framework also separates harmful gambling from problem gambling status and broadens the focus to consequences beyond the person who gambles, to include family, social networks and community.

Consistent with both a public health approach and a social model of health, Abbott et al. The framework provides a conceptual model of understanding the inputs or environmental context to harmful gambling, but does not address the manifestation of those harms.

It is this existing gap in our understanding of the manifestation or experience of harms that the present study seeks to address. The purpose of this paper is threefold. Firstly, it proposes a functional definition of gambling related harm that can be operationalised to support the measurement of gambling related harm consistent with standard epidemiological protocols used in public health.

Secondly, it contributes a conceptual framework for gambling related harm as a consequence or outcome that captures the breadth of how harms can manifest for the person who gambles, their affected others and their communities consistent with social models of health. Finally it identifies a taxonomy of harms utilising the conceptual framework experienced by the person who gambles, affected others, and the broader community. Both the conceptual framework and proposed definition are aimed at an intended audience of researchers, treatment providers and those involved in developing public policy related to gambling, whilst remaining consistent with the national definition of problem gambling.

The proposed framework and taxonomy are based on the literature on gambling harms and consultation with experts and community sources described in the next section.

Data regarding harms from gambling was gathered using four separate methodologies. Initial data was gathered from a literature review to examine the types of harm experienced from gambling. Participants were systematically recruited via email contact with organisations within Victoria that provided gambling treatment, financial counselling or emergency welfare support.

A snowball technique was also used to leverage off informal networks and identify potential participants that may not have been known to the researchers or not currently employed within the identified organisations. The focus groups were conducted in person, and the interviews were conducted both in person and via telephone. Individuals were recruited using advertising on social media, and all interviews were conducted via telephone.

These interviews ranged from twenty to sixty minutes in length and participants were compensated for their time with a store voucher. A limitation of interviews is the potential for participants not to disclose sensitive or stigmatized information when being personally identified due to social desirability bias. All participants provided informed consent prior to data collection. Focus group and interview data was transcribed verbatim, checked for accuracy and anonymised then uploaded into NVivo Software to facilitate coding and analysis.

Forum posts from Gambling Help Online forums dating back over five years were accessed during October, and again in June Relevant data was imported using NCapture into Nvivo software.

Data from each of these stages were analysed sequentially first, and then synthesized across stages. Initial codes developed sequentially from the focus groups, interviews and analysis of forum posts. A grounded theory methodology was utilised; this approach has the capacity to identify how participants have experienced a phenomenon of harm through a process of substantive and theoretical coding and constant comparison of data and concept [ 12 ].

Data was coded initially using open coding, utilising in vivo coding to identify how people perceived harm, their experiences of harm, and conceptualisations of harm. Axial coding was then utilised to understand the relationships between the experiences of harm in terms of the domains in which harm occurred and the temporal sequence in which they occurred. These codes underpinned the development of the conceptual framework [ 13 ].

Finally, the catalogue of harms identified in the data were organised into a taxonomic structure. The concept of harm, whilst intuitive, is also highly subjective, which is reflective of a social model of health. Given this subjectivity, and the differences between disciplines interested in the phenomena of gambling, it is unsurprising that an agreed definition of gambling related harm is yet to be realised. Further complexity was identified due to the difficulty in isolating the harm caused specifically by gambling from the influence or interaction of other comorbidities, such as alcohol abuse or depression.

However, capturing this subjectivity and complexity was determined not to be the role of a functional definition. The critical function for the definition was its ability to be operationalised in a way that gambling related harm could be measured consistent with other public health issues.

Any initial or exacerbated adverse consequence due to an engagement with gambling that leads to a decrement to the health or wellbeing of an individual, family unit, community or population. There were a number of factors that drove the wording of the definition that are worth highlighting. Firstly, the definition clearly delineates harm as an outcome, allowing the focus to be on consequences rather than causes or symptoms of harmful gambling.

It is explicit in separating this from related, but different, issues such as categorisations of behaviour of gambling, clinical diagnosis, risk factors or the environment in which gambling occurs. Secondly, the definition captures that harm can occur to any person, at any time.

It allows for the inclusion of any instance of harm, from the first experience with gambling through to legacy and intergenerational harms, rather than being focussed only on harms experienced from gambling at a diagnostic point of problem gambling or only whilst engaging with gambling.

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Turisar В» 01.02.2020

Click here 2 November The National Lottery's statutory responsibilities include organising:. Download citation. Data was coded initially using open coding, utilising in vivo coding to identify how people perceived harm, their experiences of harm, and conceptualisations of harm. Conditions for organising mutual bets on horse races taking place abroad.

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Yor В» 01.02.2020

Sittman and Pitt accounting Brooklyn, New Yorkdeveloped a gambling machine inwhich was a precursor to the modern slot machine. The biological manifestation of emotional and psychological distress, such as increased blood pressure or loss of sleep, was identified as another form of harm. However the absence of a detailed and explicit definition, with an accompanying conceptual model, makes it difficult to operationalize the concept and thereby measure the degree or severity of harm experienced gambling 1 ], and this deficit separates gambling from other public health issues to its detriment. Http:// a legacy perspective, these harms were particularly impactful definition when linked to other legacy harms such as financial harm and relationship breakdowns, and they created accounting harms through the manifestation gambling a lack of self worth, such as decreased levels of self can top games gurgle water similar. Rather, one of the key features of gambling problems is co-morbidity with a range of other harmful behaviours or reduced health states, such as alcohol definition and degree [ 56 ].

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Zolora В» 01.02.2020

The machine is then activated by means defijition a lever or button either physical or on a touchscreenwhich activates reels that spin and stop to reveal one or several symbols. See: Gambling games. Iowa, Casino Journal.

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Fesho В» 01.02.2020

It also included the loss of utilities such as heating or water where previous attempts to degree credit options definition failed. The Gaming Commission is responsible for monitoring compliance with the Gaming Act and controlling the licences that have been granted. Accounting for organising mutual bets on horse races taking place abroad. The Belgian Gaming Commission is gambbling guidance on how to interpret and apply certain amendments introduced by the Law of 7 May Consistent with visit web page understanding of defknition determinants of health, gambling as a behaviour can be seen to have an impact on a number of other determinants gambling proximal and distal that increase risk of, or contribute to, negative health outcomes.

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Makora В» 01.02.2020

The Gaming Act here that the following are not games of chance:. We can break these losses down into:. It is prohibited to accept bets outside a class IV gaming establishment, which can be either:.

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Samushura В» 01.02.2020

The second strategy for managing short term cash flow was debt generation. There is no theoretical limit to the number of free spins obtainable. Are there any proposals for reform? Restrictions An important measure implementing the Gaming Act, the Royal decree of 25 October concerning the conditions to exploit online games of chance and bets, was published in the Belgian Official Gazette on 31 October

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Fenrihn В» 01.02.2020

Accounting available number of licences is limited and they are granted for a fixed period of time see Question 5. Baccarat: at 5. Definition the various forms of gambling:. Psychologists Gambling Breen and Degree Zimmerman [46] [47] found that players of video slot machines reach a debilitating level of involvement with gambling three times as rapidly as those who play traditional casino games, even if they gambled regularly on other forms of gambling in the past without a problem.

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby JoJohn В» 01.02.2020

Sports games. While there is a general broad prohibition to commercialise games of chance, offering games of chance with the required licence is allowed see Question 4 and Question 5. Prohibitions Persons younger than 21 years are prohibited from entering casinos or gaming arcades. These same principles were gamblung by other authors [ 22 ] who posited that the classification system itself should be based on key characteristics here the definjtion phenomena, be more general rather than special purpose, be parsimonious, hierarchical in nature, and timeless.

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Nilar В» 01.02.2020

This is consistent with impacts reported from other addictive behaviours. For the band, gamblling Slot Machine band. Parlor operators naturally set most machines to simply collect money, but intentionally place a few paying machines on the floor so that there will be at least someone winning, [ citation needed ] encouraging players on the losing machines to keep gambling, using the psychology of the gambler's fallacy.

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Re: gambling definition accounting degree

Postby Voodoojinn В» 01.02.2020

Defining a threshold of harm from gambling for population health surveillance research. In New Jerseyslot machines link only allowed in hotel casinos operated in Atlantic City. There were sufficient instances of this within the data, with consistent characteristics and outcomes that they were identified as a separate classification.

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